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Sociological theories are statements of how and why particular facts about the social world are related.^[1] They range in scope from concise descriptions of a single social process to paradigms for analysis and interpretation. Some sociological theories explain aspects of the social world and enable prediction about future events,^[2] while others function as broad perspectives which guide further sociological analyses.^[3]

• 3Central theoretical problems
• 4Classical theoretical traditions
• 6Theories in subfields of sociology

Sociological theory vs. social theory[edit]

Kenneth Allan^[4] proposed the distinction between sociological theory and social theory. In Allan's usage, sociological theory consists of abstract and testable propositions about society.^[4] It often heavily relies on the scientific method, which aims for objectivity, and attempts to avoid passing value judgments. In contrast, social theory, according to Allan, focuses on commentary and critique of modern society rather than explanation.^[4] Social theory is often closer to Continental philosophy; thus, it is less concerned with objectivity and derivation of testable propositions, and more likely to pass normative judgments.^[5]

Prominent sociological theorists include Talcott Parsons, Robert K. Merton, Randall Collins, James Samuel Coleman, Peter Blau, Niklas Luhmann, Marshal McLuhan, Immanuel Wallerstein, George Homans, Harrison White, Theda Skocpol, Gerhard Lenski, Pierre van den Berghe and Jonathan H. Turner.^[5] Prominent social theorists include: Jürgen Habermas, Anthony Giddens, Michel Foucault, Dorothy Smith, Roberto Unger, Alfred Schütz, Jeffrey Alexander, and Jacques Derrida.^[5] There are also prominent scholars who could be seen as being in-between social and sociological theories, such as Harold Garfinkel, Herbert Blumer, Claude Lévi-Strauss, Pierre Bourdieu and Erving Goffman.^[5]

History of sociological theories[edit]

The field of sociology itself–and sociological theory by extension–is relatively new. Both date back to the 18th and 19th centuries. The drastic social changes of that period, such as industrialization, urbanization, and the rise of democratic states caused particularly Western thinkers to become aware of society. The oldest sociological theories deal with broad historical processes relating to these changes. Since then, sociological theories have come to encompass most aspects of society, including communities, organizations and relationships.^[6]

Central theoretical problems[edit]

Overall, there is a strong consensus regarding the central theoretical questions and the central problems that emerge from explicating such questions. Sociological theory attempts to answer the following three questions: (1) What is action? (2) What is social order? and (3) What determines social change? In the myriad attempts to answer these questions, three predominately theoretical (i.e. not empirical) problems emerge. These problems are largely inherited from the classical theoretical traditions. The consensus on the central theoretical problems is: how to link, transcend or cope with the following 'big three' dichotomies:^[7]subjectivity and objectivity, structure and agency, and synchrony and diachrony. The first deals with knowledge, the second with agency, and the last with time. Lastly, sociological theory often grapples with the problem of integrating or transcending the divide between micro, meso and macro-scale social phenomena, which is a subset of all three central problems. These problems are not altogether empirical problems, rather they are epistemological: they arise from the conceptual imagery and analytical analogies that sociologists use to describe the complexity of social processes.

Objectivity and subjectivity[edit]

The problem of subjectivity and objectivity can be divided into a concern over the general possibilities of social actions, and, on the other hand the specific problem of social scientific knowledge. In the former, the subjective is often equated (though not necessarily) with the individual, and the individual's intentions and interpretations of the objective. The objective is often considered any public or external action or outcome, on up to society writ large. A primary question for social theorists, is how knowledge reproduces along the chain of subjective-objective-subjective, that is to say: how is intersubjectivity achieved? While, historically, qualitative methods have attempted to tease out subjective interpretations, quantitative survey methods also attempt to capture individual subjectivities. Also, some qualitative methods take a radical approach to objective description in situ.

The latter concern with scientific knowledge results from the fact that a sociologist is part of the very object they seek to explain. Bourdieu puts this problem rather succinctly:

How can the sociologist effect in practice this radical doubting which is indispensable for bracketing all the presuppositions inherent in the fact that she is a social being, that she is therefore socialized and led to feel 'like a fish in water' within that social world whose structures she has internalized? How can she prevent the social world itself from carrying out the construction of the object, in a sense, through her, through these unself-conscious operations or operations unaware of themselves of which she is the apparent subject

Structure and agency[edit]

Structure and agency, sometimes referred to as determinism versus voluntarism,^[9] form an enduring ontological debate in social theory: 'Do social structures determine an individual's behaviour or does human agency?' In this context 'agency' refers to the capacity of individuals to act independently and make free choices, whereas 'structure' relates to factors which limit or affect the choices and actions of individuals (such as social class, religion, gender, ethnicity, and so on). Discussions over the primacy of either structure and agency relate to the core of sociological epistemology ('What is the social world made of?', 'What is a cause in the social world, and what is an effect?').^[10] A perennial question within this debate is that of 'social reproduction': how are structures (specifically, structures producing inequality) reproduced through the choices of individuals?

Synchrony and diachrony[edit]

Synchrony and diachrony, or statics and dynamics, within social theory are terms that refer to a distinction emerging out of the work of Levi-Strauss who inherited it from the linguistics of Ferdinand de Saussure.^[11] The former slices moments of time for analysis, thus it is an analysis of static social reality. Diachrony, on the other hand, attempts to analyze dynamic sequences. Following Saussure, synchrony would refer to social phenomena as a static concept like a language, while diachrony would refer to unfolding processes like actual speech. In Anthony Giddens' introduction to Central Problems in Social Theory, he states that, 'in order to show the interdependence of action and structure..we must grasp the time space relations inherent in the constitution of all social interaction.' And like structure and agency, time is integral to discussion of social reproduction. In terms of sociology, historical sociology is often better positioned to analyze social life as diachronic, while survey research takes a snapshot of social life and is thus better equipped to understand social life as synchronic. Some argue that the synchrony of social structure is a methodological perspective rather than an ontological claim.^[11] Nonetheless, the problem for theory is how to integrate the two manners of recording and thinking about social data.

Classical theoretical traditions[edit]

The contemporary discipline of sociology is theoretically multi-paradigmatic.^[12] In Randall Collins' well-cited survey of sociological theory^[13] he retroactively labels various theorists as belonging to four theoretical traditions: functionalism, conflict, symbolic interactionism, and utilitarianism.^[14] Modern sociological theory descends predominately from functionalist (Durkheim) and conflict-centered (Marx and Weber) accounts of social structure, as well as the symbolic interactionist tradition consisting of micro-scale structural (Simmel) and pragmatist (Mead, Cooley) theories of social interaction. Utilitarianism, also known as 'rational choice' or 'social exchange', although often associated with economics, is an established tradition within sociological theory.^[15][16] Lastly, as argued by Raewyn Connell, a tradition that is often forgotten is that of social Darwinism, which brings the logic of Darwinian biological evolution and applies it to people and societies.^[17] This tradition often aligns with classical functionalism and is associated with several founders of sociology, primarily Herbert Spencer, Lester F. Ward and William Graham Sumner. Contemporary sociological theory retains traces of each these traditions and they are by no means mutually exclusive.

Structural functionalism[edit]

A broad historical paradigm in both sociology and anthropology, functionalism addresses the social structure as a whole and in terms of the necessary function of its constituent elements. A common analogy (popularized by Herbert Spencer) is to regard norms and institutions as 'organs' that work toward the proper-functioning of the entire 'body' of society.^[18] The perspective was implicit in the original sociological positivism of Comte, but was theorized in full by Durkheim, again with respect to observable, structural laws. Functionalism also has an anthropological basis in the work of theorists such as Marcel Mauss, Bronisław Malinowski and Alfred Radcliffe-Brown. It is in Radcliffe-Brown's specific usage that the prefix 'structural' emerged.^[19] Classical functionalist theory is generally united by its tendency towards biological analogy and notions of social evolutionism. As Giddens states: 'Functionalist thought, from Comte onwards, has looked particularly towards biology as the science providing the closest and most compatible model for social science. Biology has been taken to provide a guide to conceptualizing the structure and the function of social systems and to analyzing processes of evolution via mechanisms of adaptation .. functionalism strongly emphasizes the pre-eminence of the social world over its individual parts (i.e. its constituent actors, human subjects).'^[20]

Conflict theory[edit]

Social conflict is the struggle between segments of society over valued resources.^[21] From the perspective of social conflict theory, in the West, by the nineteenth century, a small population had become capitalists. Capitalists are people who own and operate factories and other businesses in pursuit of profits. In other words, they own virtually all large-scale means of production. However, capitalism turned most other people into industrial workers, whom Marx called proletarians. Proletarians are people who, because of the structure of capitalist economy, must sell their labor for wages. Conflict theories draw attention to power differentials, such as class, gender and race conflict, and contrast historically dominant ideologies. It is therefore a macro level analysis of society that sees society as an arena of inequality that generates conflict and social change.^[22] Karl Marx is the father of the social conflict theory, which is a component of the four major paradigms of sociology.^{[citation needed]} Other important sociologists associated with this theory include Harriet Martineau, Jane Addams and W. E. B. Du Bois. This sociological approach doesn't look at how social structures help society to operate, but instead looks at how 'social patterns' can cause some people in society to be dominant, and others to be oppressed.^[23] However, some criticisms to this theory are that it disregards how shared values and the way in which people rely on each other help to unify the society.^[23]

Symbolic interactionism[edit]

Symbolic interaction, often associated with interactionism, phenomenological sociology, dramaturgy, and interpretivism, is a sociological tradition that places emphasis on subjective meanings and the empirical unfolding of social processes, generally accessed through analysis.^[24] The approach focuses on creating a framework for building a theory that sees society as the product of the everyday interactions of individuals. Society is nothing more than the shared reality that people construct as they interact with one another. This approach sees people interacting in countless settings using symbolic communications to accomplish the tasks at hand. Therefore, society is a complex, ever-changing mosaic of subjective meanings.^[25] Some critics of this approach argue that it only looks at what is happening in a particular social situation, and disregards the effects that culture, race or gender (i.e. social-historical structures) may have in that situation.^[23] Some important sociologists associated with this approach include George Herbert Mead, Erving Goffman, George Homans and Peter Blau. It is also in this tradition that the radical-empirical approach of Ethnomethodology emerges from the work of Harold Garfinkel.

Utilitarianism[edit]

Utilitarianism is often referred to as exchange theory or rational choice theory in the context of sociology. This tradition tends to privilege the agency of individual rational actors and assumes that within interactions individuals always seek to maximize their own self-interest. As argued by Josh Whitford, rational actors are assumed to have four basic elements, the individual has (1) 'a knowledge of alternatives,' (2) 'a knowledge of, or beliefs about the consequences of the various alternatives,' (3) 'an ordering of preferences over outcomes,' (4) 'A decision rule, to select amongst the possible alternatives'.^[26] Exchange theory is specifically attributed to the work of George C. Homans, Peter Blau and Richard Emerson.^[27] Organizational sociologists James G. March and Herbert A. Simon noted that an individual's rationality is bounded by the context or organizational setting. The utilitarian perspective in sociology was, most notably, revitalized in the late 20th century by the work of former ASA president James Coleman.

List of contemporary theories[edit]

Anomie theory seeks to understand normlessness, where society provides little moral guidance to individuals.^[28] Sociologist Emile Durkheim observed that social periods of disruption result in greater anomie and higher rates of suicide and crimes.^[29] Merton theorizes that anomie (normative breakdown) and some forms of deviant behavior derive largely from a disjunction between “culturally prescribed aspirations” of a society and “socially structured avenues for realizing those aspirations'. In The Division of Labor in Society, Durkheim described anomie as one result of an inequitable division of labour within the society. Broadly speaking, then, during times of great upheaval, increasing numbers of individuals 'cease to accept the moral legitimacy of society,” as sociologist Anthony R. Mawson, University of Keele, UK, notes.^[29]

Critical theory is a lineage of sociological theory, with reference to such groups as the Frankfurt School, that aims to critique and change society and culture, not simply to document and understand it.^[30]

Dramaturgy or dramaturgical perspective is a specialized symbolic interactionism paradigm developed by Erving Goffman, seeing life as a performance. As 'actors,' we have a status, which is the part that we play, where we are given various roles.^[31] These roles serve as a script, supplying dialogue and action for the characters (the people in reality).^[32] They also involve props and certain settings. For instance, a doctor (the role), uses instruments like a heart monitor (the prop), all the while using medical terms (the script), while in his doctor's office (the setting).^[28] In addition, our performance is the 'presentation of self,' which is how people perceive us, based on the ways in which we portray ourselves.^[33] This process, sometimes called impression management, begins with the idea of personal performance.^[34]

Engaged theory is an approach that seeks to understand the complexity of social life through synthesizing empirical research with more abstract layers of analysis, including analysis of modes of practice, and analysis of basic categories of existence such a time, space, embodiment, and knowledge.

Feminism is a collection of movements aimed at defining, establishing, and defending equal political, economic, and social rights for women.^[35] The theory focuses on how gender inequality shapes social life.^[36] This approach shows how sexuality both reflects patterns of social inequality and helps to perpetuate them. Feminism, from a social conflict perspective, focuses on gender inequality and links sexuality to the domination of women by men.^[37]

Field theory examines social fields, which are social environments in which competition takes place (e.g., the field of electronics manufacturers). It is concerned with how individuals construct such fields, with how the fields are structured, and with the effects the field has on people occupying different positions in it.

Grounded theory is a systematic methodology in the social sciences involving the generation of theory from data.^[38]

Interpretive sociology is a theoretical perspective based on the work of Max Weber, proposes that social, economic and historical research can never be fully empirical or descriptive as one must always approach it with a conceptual apparatus.^[39]

Middle range theory is an approach to sociological theorizing aimed at integrating theory and empirical research. It is currently the de facto dominant approach to sociological theory construction, especially in the United States. Middle range theory starts with an empirical phenomenon (as opposed to a broad abstract entity like the social system) and abstracts from it to create general statements that can be verified by data.^[40]

Mathematical theory, also known as formal theory, is the use of mathematics to construct social theories. Mathematical sociology aims to take sociological theory, which is strong in intuitive content but weak from a formal point of view, and to express it in formal terms. The benefits of this approach include increased clarity and the ability to use mathematics to derive implications of a theory that cannot be arrived at intuitively. The models typically used in mathematical sociology allow sociologists to understand how predictable local interactions are often able to elicit global patterns of social structure.^[41]

Positivism is a philosophy developed by Auguste Comte in the middle of the 19th century that stated that the only authentic knowledge is scientific knowledge, and that such knowledge can only come from positive affirmation of theories through strict scientific method.^[42] Society operates according to laws like the physical world. Introspective and intuitional attempts to gain knowledge are rejected. The positivist approach has been a recurrent theme in the history of western thought, from ancient times to the present day.

Network theory is a structural approach to sociology that is most closely associated with the work of Harrison White, who views norms and behaviors as embedded in chains of social relations.^[39]

Phenomenological sociology is an approach within the field of sociology that aims to reveal what role human awareness plays in the production of social action, social situations and social worlds. In essence, phenomenology is the belief that society is a human construction. The social phenomenology of Alfred Schütz influenced the development of the social constructionism and ethnomethodology. It was originally developed by Edmund Husserl.

Post-colonial theory is a post-modern approach that consists of the reactions to and the analysis of colonialism.

Postmodernism is a theoretical perspective approach that criticises modernism, instead adhering to anti-theory and anti-method, and has a great mistrust of grand theories and ideologies. Due to human subjectivity, theorists believe that discovering the objective truth is impossible or unachievable.^[43] This is due to a perspective that sees society as ever-changing along with the assumption that truth is constantly subject to change. A post-modern theorist's purpose is to achieve understanding through observation, rather than data collection. This approach uses both micro and macro level analysis.^[44] A question that is asked by this approach would be, 'How do we understand societies or interpersonal relations, while rejecting the theories and methods of the social sciences, and our assumptions about human nature? or How does power permeate social relations or society, and change with the circumstances? '^[32] An example of a prominent postmodernist is the French philosopher Michael Foucault.

Pure sociology is a theoretical paradigm developed by Donald Black that explains variation in social life with social geometry, that is, locations in social space. A recent extension of this idea is that fluctuations in social space — called social time — are the cause of social conflict.^[45]

Rational choice theory models social behavior as the interaction of utility maximizing individuals. 'Rational' implies cost-effectiveness is balanced against cost to accomplish a utility maximizing interaction. Costs are extrinsic, meaning intrinsic values such as feelings of guilt will not be accounted for in the cost to commit a crime.

Social constructionism is a sociological theory of knowledge that considers how social phenomena develop in particular social contexts.^[46]

Socialization theory is an approach to understanding the means by which human infants begin to acquire the skills necessary to perform as a functional member of their society^[47] Sociologists use the term socialization to refer to the lifelong social experience by which people develop their human potential and learn culture. Unlike other living species, humans need socialization within their cultures for survival.^[48]

Social exchange theory says that the interaction that occurs between people can be partly based on what someone may 'gain and lose' by being with others. For example, when people think about who they may date, they'll look to see if the other person will offer just as much (or perhaps more) than they do. This can include judging an individual's looks and appearance, or their social status.^[23]

Thomas theorem refers to situations that are defined as real are real in their consequences.^[49] Suggests that the reality people construct in their interaction has real consequences for the future. For example, a teacher who believes a certain student to be intellectually gifted may well encourage exceptional academic performance.^[50]

Theories in subfields of sociology[edit]

Criminology[edit]

• The general theory of crime: States that the main factor behind criminal behaviour is the individual's lack of self-control.
• Differential association theory: The theory was developed by Edwin Sutherland and it examines the acts of a criminal from the perspective that they are learned behaviours.^[51]
• Labeling theory: It is the main idea that deviance and conformity result not so much from what people do as from how others respond to these actions.^[52] It also states that a society's reaction to specific behaviors are a major determinant of how a person may come to adopt a 'deviant' label.^[53] This theory stresses the relativity of deviance, the idea that people may define the same behavior in any number of ways. Thus the labelling theory is a micro-level analysis and is often classified in the social-interactionist approach.^[52] Bryant, Lee. 'The Labelling Theory', History Learning Site, 2000-2012, retrieved March 13, 2013.
• Control theory: The theory was developed by Travis Hirschi and it states that a weak bond between an individual and society itself allows the individual to defy societal norms and adopt behaviors that are deviant in nature.^[54]
• Rational choice theory: States that people commit crimes when it is rational for them to do so according to analyses of costs and benefits, and that crime can be reduced by minimizing benefits and maximizing costs to the 'would be' criminal.
• Social disorganization theory: States that crime is more likely to occur in areas where social institutions are unable to directly control groups of individuals.
• Social learning theory: States that people adopt new behaviors through observational learning in their environments.^[55]
• Strain theory: States that a social structure within a society may cause people to commit crimes. Specifically, the extent and type of deviance people engage in depend on whether a society provides the means to achieve cultural goals.^[56]
• Subcultural theory: States that behavior is influenced by factors such as class, ethnicity, and family status. This theory's primary focus is on juvenile delinquency.
• Psychopath: serious criminals who do not feel shame or guilt from their actions. They do not fear punishment and have little sympathy for the people they harm.^[57] These individuals are said to have a psychological disorder as psychopathy or antisocial personality disorder. They exhibit a variety of maladaptive traits such as rarely experiencing genuine affection for others. They are skilled at faking affection, are irresponsible, impulsive, tolerate little frustration and they pursue immediate gratification.^[58] Robert Hare, one of the world's leading experts on psychopathy, developed an important assessment device for psychopathy, the Psychopathy Checklist-Revised. For many, this measure is the single, most important advancement to date toward what will hopefully become our ultimate understanding of psychopathy (McCann, Weiten, 641).
• Containment theory: when an individual has a stronger conscience it will make one more tolerable to frustrations and therefore are less likely to be involved in criminal activities.^[59]
• White-collar crime: defined by Edwin Sutherland as crime committed by persons of high social position in the course of their occupation (Sutherland and Cressey, 1978:44).^[60] The white-collar crime involves people making use of their occupational position to enrich themselves and others illegally, which often causes public harm.^[60] In white-collar crime, public harm wreaked by false advertising, marketing of unsafe products, embezzlement, and bribery of public officials is more extensive than most people think, most of which go unnoticed and unpunished.^[61]
• Corporate crime: refers to the illegal actions of a corporation or people acting on its behalf. Corporate crime ranges from knowingly selling faulty or dangerous products to purposely polluting the environment. Like white-collar crime, most cases of corporate crime go unpunished, and many are not never even known to the public.^[61]
• Organized crime: a business that supplies illegal goods or services, including sex, drugs, and gambling.^[60] This type of crime expanded among immigrants, who found that society was not always willing to share its opportunities with them.^[61] A famous example of organized crime is the Italian Mafia.^[61]
• Hate crime: a criminal act against a person or a person's property by an offender motivated by racial, ethnic, religious or other bias. Hate crimes may refer to race, ancestry, religion, sexual orientation and physical disabilities. According to a Statistics Canada publication, 'Jewish' community has been the most likely the victim of hate crime in Canada during 2001-2002. Overall, about 57 percent of hate crimes are motivated by ethnicity and race, targeting mainly Blacks and Asians, while 43 percent target religion, mainly Judaism and Islam. A relatively small 9 percent is motivated by sexual orientation, targets gays and lesbians.^[62]

Physical traits do not distinguish criminals from non criminals, but genetic factors together with environmental factors are strong predictors of adult crime and violence.^[59] Most psychologists see deviance as the result of 'unsuccessful' socialization and abnormality in an individual personality.^[59]

Sociology of science and technology[edit]

Sociologists have been active in developing theories about the nature of science and technology:

• 'Institutional' sociology of science (Robert K. Merton) (1960s)
• Social construction of technology (1980s) − variant of SSK focusing on technology studies
• Actor-network theory (1980s)
• Normalization process theory (2000s)

Social movements[edit]

Sociologists have developed various theories about social movements [Kendall, 2005]. Chronologically (by approximate date of origin) they include:

• Collective behavior/collective action theories (1950s)
• Relative deprivation theory (1960s)
• Value-added theory (1960s)
• Resource mobilization/political process theory (1970s)
• Frame analysis theory (1970s)
• New social movement theory (1980s)
• New cultural theory (1990s) — James M. Jasper, Jeff Goodwin et al.

See also[edit]

References[edit]

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2. ^Keel, Robert. 'What is Sociological Theory?'. Robert Keel. Retrieved 29 February 2012.^{[permanent dead link]}
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7. ^https://books.google.com/books?id=vQbjnVBKRAkC&pg=PP1 Rational Choice Theory: Resisting Colonization
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43. ^John J. Macionis and Linda M. Gerber (2011). Sociology Seventh Canadian Edition. Pearson Education, Inc. p. 10. ISBN978-0-13-700161-3.
44. ^Macionis, Gerber, John, Linda (2010). Sociology, 7th Canadian Ed. Toronto, Ontario: Pearson Canada Inc. p. 53.
45. ^Donald Black (2011). Moral Time. Oxford University Press. ISBN978-0-19-973714-7.
46. ^Swedberg, Richard (2007). 'Max Weber's Interpretive Economic Sociology'. American Behavioral Scientist 50(8): 1035-1055. ISSN 0002-7642.
47. ^Billingham, M. (2007), Sociological Perspectives p. 336, in Stretch, B. and Whitehouse, M. (eds.) (2007). Health and Social Care Book 1. Oxford: Heinemann. ISBN978-0-435-49915-0
48. ^Macionis, John J., and Linda M. Gerber. Sociology. Toronto: Pearson Canada, 2011. Print.
49. ^Mawson A. R., Durkbeim and contemporary social pathology. Br. J. Soc. 21:298-313, 1970. 'The Anomie Deviant Behavior Connection: The Theories of Durkheim, Merton, and Srole'
50. ^Patricia Yancey Martin & Barry A. Turner, 'Grounded Theory and Organizational Research,' The Journal of Applied Behavioral Science, vol. 22, no. 2 (1986), 141.
51. ^Macionis, Gerber, John, Linda (2010). Sociology, 7th Canadian Ed. Toronto, Ontario: Pearson Canada Inc. p. 204.
52. ^ ^abMacionis and Gerber, John J. and Linda M. (2010). Sociology, 7th Canadian Edition. Upper Saddle River, New Jersey, USA: Pearson Education, Inc. p. 203. ISBN978-0-13-700161-3.
53. ^Macionis, Gerber, John, Linda (2010). Sociology, 7th Canadian Ed. Toronto, Ontario: Pearson Canada Inc. p. 204.
54. ^Macionis, Gerber, John, Linda (2010). Sociology, 7th Canadian Ed. Toronto, Ontario: Pearson Canada Inc. pp. 204–205.
55. ^Weiten, W. (2010). Psychology: themes & variations (8th ed.). Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth/Cengage Learning pp. 532.
56. ^Macionis, John J. (2012). Sociology, 14th Edition. Boston: Pearson. p. 197. ISBN978-0-205-11671-3.
57. ^Macionis, Gerber, John, Linda (2010). Sociology, 7th Canadian Ed. Toronto, Ontario: Pearson Canada Inc. p. 199.
58. ^Halpern, Diane; Weiten, Wayne; McCann, Doug (2010). Psychology themes & variations 2nd Canadian Ed. United States of America: Nelson Education Ltd. p. 614.
59. ^ ^abcMacionis, Gerber, John, Linda (2010). Sociology, 7th Canadian Ed. Toronto, Ontario: Pearson Canada Inc. pp. 198–199.
60. ^ ^abcMacionis, Gerber, John, Linda (2010). Sociology, 7th Canadian Ed. Toronto, Ontario: Pearson Canada Inc. p. 206.
61. ^ ^abcdMacionis and Gerber, John J. and Linda M. (2010). Sociology, 7th Canadian Edition. Upper Saddle River, New Jersey, USA: Pearson Education, Inc. p. 206. ISBN978-0-13-700161-3.
62. ^Macionis, Gerber, John, Linda (2010). Sociology, 7th Canadian Ed. Toronto, Ontario: Pearson Canada Inc. pp. 208, 209.

Further reading[edit]

• Adams, B. N., & Sydie, R. A. (2001). Sociological Theory. Pine Forge Press.
• Bilton, T., Bonnett, K., & Jones, P. (2002). Introductory sociology. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN0-333-94571-9
• Babbie, E. R. (2003). The Practice of Social Research: 10th edition. Wadsworth: Thomson Learning Inc. ISBN0-534-62029-9
• Gerber, Linda. M. & Macionis, John. J. (2011). Sociology, Seventh Canadian Edition. Pearson Education, ISBN978-0-13-700161-3
• Goodman, D. J., & Ritzer, G. (2004). Sociological Theory, Sixth Edition. McGraw Hill
• Hughes, M., Kroehler, C. J., & Vander Zanden, J. W. (2001). Sociology: The Core. McGraw-Hill. ISBN0-07-240535-XOnline chapter summary
• Germov, J. (2001). 'A Class Above the Rest? Education and the Reproduction of Class Inequality'. In J. Allen (Ed.), Sociology of education: possibilities and practices (pp. 233–248). Tuggerah, NSW: Social Science Press. ISBN1-876633-23-9

External links[edit]

• Teng Wang, 'Social Phenomena'

Masculinity (also called manhood or manliness) is a set of attributes, behaviors, and roles associated with boys and men. As a social construct, it is distinct from the definition of the male biological sex.^[1][2] Standards of manliness or masculinity vary across different cultures and historical periods.^[3] Both males and females can exhibit masculine traits and behavior.^[4]

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Traits traditionally viewed as masculine in Western society include strength, courage, independence, leadership, and assertiveness.^[5][6][7][8]Machismo is a form of masculinity that emphasizes power and is often associated with a disregard for consequences and responsibility.^[9]Virility (from the Latin vir, 'man') is similar to masculinity, but especially emphasizes strength, energy, and sex drive.

• 2History
• 3Development
• 9Criticism
• 13Further reading

Overview[edit]

Masculine qualities and roles are considered typical of, appropriate for, and expected of boys and men. The concept of masculinity varies historically and culturally; although the dandy was seen as a 19th-century ideal of masculinity, he is considered effeminate by modern standards.^[10]:1–3 Masculine norms, as described in Ronald F. Levant's 1995 book, Masculinity Reconstructed, are 'avoidance of femininity; restricted emotions; sex disconnected from intimacy; pursuit of achievement and status; self-reliance; strength and aggression, and homophobia'.^[11][where?] These norms reinforce gender roles by associating attributes and characteristics with one gender.^[12]

The academic study of masculinity received increased attention during the late 1980s and early 1990s, with the number of courses on the subject in the United States rising from 30 to over 300.^[13] This has sparked investigation of the intersection of masculinity with other axes of social discrimination and concepts from other fields, such as the social construction of gender difference^[14] (prevalent in a number of philosophical and sociological theories).

Both males and females can exhibit masculine traits and behavior. Those exhibiting both masculine and feminine characteristics are considered androgynous, and feminist philosophers have argued that gender ambiguity may blur gender classification.^[15][16]

History[edit]

Since what constitutes masculinity has varied by time and place, according to Raewyn Connell, it is more appropriate to discuss 'masculinities' than a single overarching concept.^[17]:185 Study of the history of masculinity emerged during the 1980s, aided by the fields of women's and (later) gender history. Before women's history was examined, there was a 'strict gendering of the public/private divide'; regarding masculinity, this meant little study of how men related to the household, domesticity and family life.^[18] Although women's historical role was negated, despite the writing of history by (and primarily about) men, a significant portion of the male experience was missing. This void was questioned during the late 1970s, when women's history began to analyze gender and women to deepen the female experience.^[19] Joan Scott's seminal article, calling for gender studies as an analytical concept to explore society, power and discourse, laid the foundation for this field.^[20]

According to Scott, gender should be used in two ways: productive and produced. Productive gender examined its role in creating power relationships, and produced gender explored the use and change of gender throughout history. This has influenced the field of masculinity, as seen in Pierre Bourdieu's definition of masculinity: produced by society and culture, and reproduced in daily life.^[21] A flurry of work in women's history led to a call for study of the male role (initially influenced by psychoanalysis) in society and emotional and interpersonal life. Connell wrote that these initial works were marked by a 'high level of generality' in 'broad surveys of cultural norms'. The scholarship was aware of contemporary societal changes aiming to understand and evolve (or liberate) the male role in response to feminism.^[17]:28John Tosh calls for a return to this aim for the history of masculinity to be useful, academically and in the public sphere.^[22]

Antiquity[edit]

Ancient literature dates back to about 3000 BC, with explicit expectations for men in the form of laws and implied masculine ideals in myths of gods and heroes. In the Hebrew Bible of 1000 BC, King David of Israel told his son, 'I go the way of all the earth: be thou strong therefore, and shew thyself a man;'^[23] after David's death. Throughout history, men have met exacting cultural standards. Kate Cooper wrote about ancient concepts of femininity, 'Wherever a woman is mentioned a man's character is being judged – and along with it what he stands for.'^[24] According to the Code of Hammurabi (about 1750 BC):

• Rule 3: 'If any one bring an accusation of any crime before the elders, and does not prove what he has charged, he shall, if it be a capital offense charged, be put to death.'
• Rule 128: 'If a man takes a woman to wife, but has no intercourse with her, this woman is no wife to him.'^[25]

Scholars cite integrity and equality as masculine values in male-male relationships^[26] and virility in male-female relationships. Legends of ancient heroes include the Epic of Gilgamesh, the Iliad and the Odyssey. The stories demonstrate qualities in the hero which inspire respect, such as wisdom and courage: knowing things other men do not know and taking risks other men would not dare.^{[citation needed]}

Medieval and Victorian eras[edit]

Jeffrey Richards describes a European 'medieval masculinity which was essentially Christian and chivalric'.^[27] Courage, respect for women of all classes and generosity characterize the portrayal of men in literary history. The Anglo-SaxonsHengest and Horsa^{[citation needed]} and Beowulf are examples of medieval masculine ideals. According to David Rosen, the traditional view of scholars (such as J. R. R. Tolkien) that Beowulf is a tale of medieval heroism overlooks the similarities between Beowulf and the monster Grendel. The masculinity exemplified by Beowulf 'cut[s] men off from women, other men, passion and the household'.^[28]

During the Victorian era, masculinity underwent a transformation from traditional heroism. Scottish philosopher Thomas Carlyle wrote in 1831: 'The old ideal of Manhood has grown obsolete, and the new is still invisible to us, and we grope after it in darkness, one clutching this phantom, another that; Werterism, Byronism, even Brummelism, each has its day'.^[29]

Boxing was professionalized in America and Europe in the 19th century, and emphasized the physical and confrontational aspects of masculinity.^[30] Bare-knuckle fighting without gloves represented 'the manly art' in 19th-century America.^[31]

Twentieth century to present[edit]

At the beginning of the twentieth century, a traditional family consisted of the father as breadwinner and the mother as homemaker. Despite women's increasing participation in the paid labor force and contributions to family income, men's identities remained centered on their working lives and specifically their economic contributions. Central to adult men's identities is the provider role, as masculinity is often measured by the size of one's paycheck/economic contribution to the family.^[32] Masculinity is also secured by denying any semblance of softness, emotion, femininity, or any characteristic associated with women and femininity.^[33]

Overwhelmingly, the construction of masculinity most valued in the latter part of the twentieth century to today is one that is independent, sexually assertive, and athletic, among other normative markers of manhood.^[34][35][36] Social theorist Erving Goffman's seminal work on stigma management presents a list of traits prescribed as categorically masculine for contemporary men:

In an important sense there is only one complete unblushing male in America: a young, married, white, urban, northern, heterosexual Protestant father of college education, fully employed, or good complexion, weight and height, and a recent record in sports.^[37]:128

There is some evidence of masculinities undergoing shifts in the contemporary social landscape. Characteristic of present-day masculinity is men's willingness to counter stereotypes. Regardless of age or nationality, men more frequently rank good health, a harmonious family life and a good relationship with their spouse or partner as important to their quality of life.^{[38][better source needed]}

Development[edit]

In many cultures, displaying characteristics not typical of one's gender may be a social problem. In sociology, this labeling is known as gender assumptions and is part of socialization to meet the mores of a society. Non-standard behavior may be considered indicative of homosexuality, despite the fact that gender expression, gender identity and sexual orientation are widely accepted as distinct concepts.^{[39][when?][where?]} When sexuality is defined in terms of object choice (as in early sexology studies), male homosexuality is interpreted as effeminacy.^[40] Social disapproval of excessive masculinity may be expressed as 'machismo'^[9] or by neologisms such as 'testosterone poisoning'.^[41]

The relative importance of socialization and genetics in the development of masculinity is debated. Although social conditioning is believed to play a role, psychologists and psychoanalysts such as Sigmund Freud and Carl Jung believed that aspects of 'feminine' and 'masculine' identity are subconsciously present in all human males.^[a]

The historical development of gender roles is addressed by behavioural genetics, evolutionary psychology, human ecology, anthropology and sociology. All human cultures seem to encourage gender roles in literature, costume and song; examples may include the epics of Homer, the Hengist and Horsa tales and the normative commentaries of Confucius.^{[citation needed]} More specialized treatments of masculinity may be found in the Bhagavad Gita and the bushidō of Hagakure.

Nature versus nurture[edit]

The sources of gender identity are debated. Some believe that masculinity is linked to the male body; in this view, masculinity is associated with male genitalia.^[10]:3 Others have suggested that although masculinity may be influenced by biology, it is also a cultural construct. Proponents of this view argue that women can become men hormonally and physically,^[10]:3 and many aspects of masculinity assumed to be natural are linguistically and culturally driven.^[42] On the nurture side of the debate, it is argued that masculinity does not have a single source. Although the military has a vested interest in constructing and promoting a specific form of masculinity, it does not create it.^[10]:17–21 Facial hair is linked to masculinity through language, in stories about boys becoming men when they begin to shave.^[10]:30–31

In contrast to earlier perspectives of the nature versus nurture debate, contemporary social scientists suggest masculinity to stem from both nature and nurture, as both biological predispositions and social factors intersect to give rise to masculine gender identities.^[43] Scholars suggest that innate differences between the sexes are compounded and/or exaggerated by the influences of social factors.^[43][44][45]

Social construction of masculinity[edit]

Some social scientists conceptualize masculinity (and femininity) as a performance.^[46][47][48] Gender performances may not necessarily be intentional and people may not even be aware of the extent to which they are performing gender, as one outcome of lifelong gender socialization is the feeling that one's gender is 'natural' or biologically-ordained.

The social construction of gender also conceptualizes gender as a continuum. Theorists suggest one is not simply masculine or feminine, but instead may display components of both masculinity and femininity to different degrees and in particular contexts.

Masculine performance varies over the life course, but also from one context to another. For instance, the sports world may elicit more traditionally normative masculinities in participants than would other settings.^[49] Men who exhibit a tough and aggressive masculinity on the sports field may display a softer masculinity in familial contexts. Masculinities vary by social class as well. Studies suggest working class constructions of masculinity to be more normative than are those from middle class men and boys.^[50][51] As these contexts and comparisons illustrate, theorists suggest a multiplicity of masculinities, not simply one single construction of masculinity.^[47]

Hegemonic masculinity[edit]

Traditional avenues for men to gain honor were providing for their families and exercising leadership.^[52]Raewyn Connell has labeled traditional male roles and privileges hegemonic masculinity, encouraged in men and discouraged in women: 'Hegemonic masculinity can be defined as the configuration of gender practice which embodies the currently accepted answer to the problem of the legitimacy of patriarchy, which guarantees the dominant position of men and the subordination of women'.^[17]:77 Connell (1987) placed emphasis on heterosexuality and its influence on the construction of gender. From this perspective, in every social system there is a dominant (hegemonic) and idealised form of masculinity and an apotheosised form of femininity that is considered as proper for men and women. This idealised form of masculinity (hegemonic masculinity) legitimates and normalises certain performances of men, and pathologises, marginalises, and subordinates any other expressions of masculinities or femininities (masculine and feminine subject positions). Alongside hegemonic masculinity, Connell postulated that there are other forms of masculinities (marginalised and subordinated), which according to the findings of a plethora of studies are constructed in oppressive ways (Thorne 1993). This is symptomatic of the fact that hegemonic masculinity is relational, which means that it is constructed in relation to and against an Other (emphasised femininity, marginalised and subordinated masculinities).^[53] In addition to describing forceful articulations of violent masculine identities, hegemonic masculinity has also been used to describe implicit, indirect, or coercive forms of gendered socialisation, enacted through video games, fashion, humour, and so on.^[54]

Precarious manhood[edit]

Researchers have argued that the 'precariousness' of manhood contributes to traditionally-masculine behavior.^[55] 'Precarious' means that manhood is not inborn, but must be achieved. In many cultures, boys endure painful initiation rituals to become men. Manhood may also be lost, as when a man is derided for not 'being a man'. Researchers have found that men respond to threats to their manhood by engaging in stereotypically-masculine behaviors and beliefs, such as supporting hierarchy, espousing homophobic beliefs, supporting aggression and choosing physical tasks over intellectual ones.^[56]

In 2014, Winegard and Geary wrote that the precariousness of manhood involves social status (prestige or dominance), and manhood may be more (or less) precarious due to the avenues men have for achieving status.^[57] Men who identify with creative pursuits, such as poetry or painting, may not experience manhood as precarious but may respond to threats to their intelligence or creativity. However, men who identify with traditionally-masculine pursuits (such as football or the military) may see masculinity as precarious. According to Winegard, Winegard, and Geary, this is functional; poetry and painting do not require traditionally-masculine traits, and attacks on those traits should not induce anxiety.^[dubious] Football and the military require traditionally-masculine traits, such as pain tolerance, endurance, muscularity and courage, and attacks on those traits induce anxiety and may trigger retaliatory impulses and behavior. This suggests that nature-versus-nurture debates about masculinity may be simplistic. Although men evolved to pursue prestige and dominance (status), how they pursue status depends on their talents, traits and available possibilities. In modern societies, more avenues to status may exist than in traditional societies and this may mitigate the precariousness of manhood (or of traditional manhood); however, it will probably not mitigate the intensity of male-male competition.^{[citation needed]}

In women[edit]

Although often ignored in discussions of masculinity, women can also express masculine traits and behaviors.^[58][59] In Western culture, female masculinity has been codified into identities such as 'tomboy' and 'butch'. Although female masculinity is often associated with lesbianism, expressing masculinity is not necessarily related to a woman's sexuality. In feminist philosophy, female masculinity is often characterized as a type of gender performance which challenges traditional masculinity and male dominance.^[60] Zachary A. Kramer argues that the discussion of masculinity should be opened up 'to include constructions of masculinity that uniquely affect women.'^[61] Masculine women are often subject to social stigma and harassment, although the influence of the feminist movement has led to greater acceptance of women expressing masculinity in recent decades.^[62] Women with stereotypically masculine personality traits are more likely to gain access to high-paying occupations than women with feminine personality traits.^{[63][non-primary source needed]}

Women who participate in sports, especially male-dominated sports, are sometimes derided as being masculine. Even though most sports emphasize stereotypically masculine qualities, such as strength, competition, and aggression, women who participate in sports are still expected to conform to strictly feminine gender norms. This is known as the 'female/athlete paradox'. Although traditional gender norms are gradually changing, female athletes, especially those that participate in male-dominated sports such as boxing, weight lifting, American football, ice hockey, and motor sports, are still often viewed as deviating from the boundaries of femininity and may suffer repercussions such as discrimination or mistreatment from administrators, harassment by fans, and decreased media attention.^[64]

Health[edit]

Evidence points to the negative impact of hegemonic masculinity on men's health-related behavior, with American men making 134.5 million fewer physician visits per year than women. Men make 40.8 percent of all physician visits, including women's obstetric and gynecological visits. Twenty-five percent of men aged 45 to 60 do not have a personal physician, increasing their risk of death from heart disease. Men between 25 and 65 are four times more likely to die from cardiovascular disease than women, and are more likely to be diagnosed with a terminal illness because of their reluctance to see a doctor. Reasons cited for not seeing a physician include fear, denial, embarrassment, a dislike of situations out of their control and the belief that visiting a doctor is not worth the time or cost.^[65]

Studies of men in North America and Europe show that men who consume alcoholic drinks often do so in order to fulfill certain social expectations of manliness. While the causes of drinking and alcoholism are complex and varied, gender roles and social expectations have a strong influence encouraging men to drink.^[66][67]

In 2004, Arran Stibbe published an analysis of a well-known men's-health magazine in 2000. Windows server 2008 r2 end of life support. According to Stibbe, although the magazine ostensibly focused on health it also promoted traditional masculine behaviors such as excessive consumption of convenience foods and meat, alcohol consumption and unsafe sex.^[68]

Research on beer-commercial content by Lance Strate^[69] yielded results relevant to a study of masculinity.^[70] In beer commercials, masculine behavior (especially risk-taking) is encouraged. Commercials often focus on situations in which a man overcomes an obstacle in a group, working or playing hard (construction or farm workers or cowboys). Those involving play have central themes of mastery (of nature or each other), risk and adventure: fishing, camping, playing sports or socializing in bars. There is usually an element of danger and a focus on movement and speed (watching fast cars or driving fast). The bar is a setting for the measurement of masculinity in skills such as billiards, strength, and drinking ability.^[69] Men engage in positive health practices, such as reducing fat intake and alcohol, to conform to masculine ideals.^{[71][clarification needed]}

Effeminacy[edit]

Gay men are considered by some to 'deviate from the masculine norm' and are benevolently stereotyped as 'gentle and refined', even by other gay men. According to gay human-rights campaigner Peter Tatchell:

Contrary to the well-intentioned claim that gays are 'just the same' as straights, there is a difference. What is more, the distinctive style of gay masculinity is of great social benefit. Wouldn't life be dull without the flair and imagination of queer fashion designers and interior decorators? How could the NHS cope with no gay nurses, or the education system with no gay teachers? Society should thank its lucky stars that not all men turn out straight, macho and insensitive. The different hetero and homo modes of maleness are not, of course, biologically fixed.^[72]

Psychologist Joseph Pleck argues that a hierarchy of masculinity exists largely as a dichotomy of homosexual and heterosexual males: 'Our society uses the male heterosexual-homosexual dichotomy as a central symbol for all the rankings of masculinity, for the division on any grounds between males who are 'real men' and have power, and males who are not'.^[73]Michael Kimmel adds that the trope 'You're so gay' indicates a lack of masculinity, rather than homosexual orientation.^[74] According to Pleck, to avoid male oppression of women, themselves and other men, patriarchal structures, institutions and discourse must be eliminated from Western society.

In the documentary The Butch Factor, gay men (one of them transgender) were asked about their views of masculinity. Masculine traits were generally seen as an advantage in and out of the closet, allowing 'butch' gay men to conceal their sexual orientation longer while engaged in masculine activities such as sports. Effeminacy is inaccurately^[39] associated with homosexuality,^[40] and some gay men doubted their sexual orientation; they did not see themselves as effeminate, and felt little connection to gay culture.^[75] Some effeminate gay men in The Butch Factor felt uncomfortable about their femininity (despite being comfortable with their sexuality),^[76] and feminine gay men may be derided by stereotypically-masculine gays.^[77]

Feminine-looking men tended to come out earlier after being labeled gay by their peers. More likely to face bullying and harassment throughout their lives,^[75] they are taunted by derogatory words (such as 'sissy') implying feminine qualities. Effeminate, 'campy' gay men sometimes use what John R. Ballew called 'camp humor', such as referring to one another by female pronouns (according to Ballew, 'a funny way of defusing hate directed toward us [gay men]'); however, such humor 'can cause us [gay men] to become confused in relation to how we feel about being men'.^[78] He further stated:

[Heterosexual] men are sometimes advised to get in touch with their 'inner feminine.' Maybe gay men need to get in touch with their 'inner masculine' instead. Identifying those aspects of being a man we most value and then cultivate those parts of our selves can lead to a healthier and less distorted sense of our own masculinity.^[78]

A study by the Center for Theoretical Study at Charles University in Prague and the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic found significant differences in shape among the faces of heterosexual and gay men, with gay men having more 'stereotypically masculine' features ('undermin[ing] stereotypical notions of gay men as more feminine looking.')^[79]

Gay men have been presented in the media as feminine and open to ridicule, although films such as Brokeback Mountain are countering the stereotype.^[78] A recent development is the portrayal of gay men in the LGBT community as 'bears', a subculture of gay men celebrating rugged masculinity^[80][81] and 'secondary sexual characteristics of the male: facial hair, body hair, proportional size, baldness'.^[82]

Second-wavepro-feminism paid greater attention to issues of sexuality, particularly the relationship between homosexual men and hegemonic masculinity. This shift led to increased cooperation between the men's liberation and gay liberation movements developing, in part, because masculinity was understood as a social construct and in response to the universalization of 'men' in previous men's movements. Men's-rights activists worked to stop second-wave feminists from influencing the gay-rights movement, promoting hypermasculinity as inherent to gay sexuality.^[83]

Masculinity has played an important role in lesbian culture,^[84] although lesbians vary widely in the degree to which they express masculinity and femininity. In LGBT cultures, masculine women are often referred to as 'butch'.^[85][86][87]

Criticism[edit]

Two concerns over the study of the history of masculinity are that it would stabilize the historical process (rather than change it) and that a cultural overemphasis on the approach to masculinity lacks the reality of actual experience. According to John Tosh, masculinity has become a conceptual framework used by historians to enhance their cultural explorations instead of a specialty in its own right.^[88] This draws attention from reality to representation and meaning, not only in the realm of masculinity; culture was becoming 'the bottom line, the real historical reality'.^[22] Tosh critiques Martin Francis' work of in this light because popular culture, rather than the experience of family life, is the basis for Francis' argument.^[89] Francis uses contemporary literature and film to demonstrate that masculinity was restless, shying away from domesticity and commitment, during the late 1940s and 1950s.^[89] Francis wrote that this flight from commitment was 'most likely to take place at the level of fantasy (individual and collective)'. In focusing on culture, it is difficult to gauge the degree to which films such as Scott of the Antarctic represented the era’s masculine fantasies.^[89] Michael Roper’s call to focus on the subjectivity of masculinity addresses this cultural bias, because broad understanding is set aside for an examination 'of what the relationship of the codes of masculinity is to actual men, to existential matters, to persons and to their psychic make-up' (Tosh's human experience).^[90]

According to Tosh, the culture of masculinity has outlived its usefulness because it cannot fulfill the initial aim of this history (to discover how manhood was conditioned and experienced) and he urged 'questions of behaviour and agency'.^[88] His work on Victorian masculinity uses individual experience in letters and sketches to illustrate broader cultural and social customs, such as birthing or Christmas traditions.^[18]

Stefan Dudink believes that the methodological approach (trying to categorize masculinity as a phenomenon) undermined its historiographic development.^[91] Abigail Solomou-Godeau’s work on post-revolutionary French art addresses a strong, constant patriarchy.^[92]

Tosh’s overall assessment is that a shift is needed in conceptualizing the topic^[88] back to the history of masculinity as a speciality aiming to reach a broader audience, rather than as an analytical tool of cultural and social history. The importance he places on public history hearkens back to the initial aims of gender history, which sought to use history to enlighten and change the present. Tosh appeals to historians to live up to the 'social expectation' of their work,^[88] which would also require a greater focus on subjectivity and masculinity. This view is contrary to Dudink’s; the latter called for an 'outflanking movement' towards the history of masculinity, in response to the errors he perceived in the study.^[91] This would do the opposite of what Tosh called for, deconstructing masculinity by not placing it at the center of historical exploration and using discourse and culture as indirect avenues towards a more-representational approach. In a study of the Low Countries, Dudink proposes moving beyond the history of masculinity by embedding analysis into the exploration of nation and nationalism (making masculinity a lens through which to view conflict and nation-building).^[93] Martin Francis' work on domesticity through a cultural lens moves beyond the history of masculinity because 'men constantly travelled back and forward across the frontier of domesticity, if only in the realm of the imagination'; normative codes of behavior do not fully encompass the male experience.^[89]

Media images of boys and young men may lead to the persistence of harmful concepts of masculinity. According to men's-rights activists, the media does not address men's-rights issues and men are often portrayed negatively in advertising.^[94] Peter Jackson called hegemonic masculinity 'economically exploitative' and 'socially oppressive': 'The form of oppression varies from patriarchal controls over women's bodies and reproductive rights, through ideologies of domesticity, femininity and compulsory heterosexuality, to social definitions of the value of work, the nature of skill and the differential remuneration of 'productive' and 'reproductive' labor.'^[95]

Psychological research[edit]

According to a paper submitted by Tracy Tylka to the American Psychological Association, 'Instead of seeing a decrease in objectification of women in society, there has just been an increase in the objectification of both sexes. And you can see that in the media today.' Men and women restrict food intake in an effort to achieve what they consider an attractively-thin body; in extreme cases, this leads to eating disorders.^[96] Psychiatrist Thomas Holbrook cited a recent Canadian study indicating that as many as one in six people with eating disorders are men.^[97]

Research in the United Kingdom found, 'Younger men and women who read fitness and fashion magazines could be psychologically harmed by the images of perfect female and male physiques.' Young women and men exercise excessively in an effort to achieve what they consider an attractively-fit and muscular body, which may lead to body dysmorphic disorder or muscle dysmorphia.^{[98][99][100]} Although the stereotypes may have remained constant, the value attached to masculine stereotypes has changed; it has been argued^{[by whom?]} that masculinity is an unstable phenomenon, never ultimately achieved.^[10]:30–31

In January 2019, the American Psychological Association warns that conforming to traditional standards of masculinity can cause harm to mental health.^[101]

Gender-role stress[edit]

In 1987 Eisler and Skidmore studied masculinity, creating the idea of 'masculine stress' and finding three elements of masculinity which often result in emotional stress:

• The emphasis on prevailing in situations requiring body and fitness
• Being perceived as emotional
• The need for adequacy in sexual matters and financial status

Because of social norms and pressures associated with masculinity, men with spinal-cord injuries must adapt their self-identity to the losses associated with such injuries; this may 'lead to feelings of decreased physical and sexual prowess with lowered self-esteem and a loss of male identity. Feelings of guilt and overall loss of control are also experienced.'^[105] Research also suggests that men feel social pressure to endorse traditional masculine male models in advertising. Brett Martin and Juergen Gnoth (2009) found that although feminine men privately preferred feminine models, they expressed a preference for traditional masculine models in public; according to the authors, this reflected social pressure on men to endorse traditional masculine norms.^[106]

In their book Raising Cain: Protecting The Emotional Life of Boys, Dan Kindlon and Michael Thompson wrote that although all boys are born loving and empathic, exposure to gender socialization (the tough male ideal and hypermasculinity) limits their ability to function as emotionally-healthy adults. According to Kindlon and Thompson, boys lack the ability to understand and express emotions productively because of the stress imposed by masculine gender roles.^[107]

In the article 'Sexual Ethics, Masculinity and Mutual Vulnerability', Rob Cover works to unpack Judith Butler's study of masculinity. Cover goes over issues such as sexual assault and how it can be partially explained by a hypermasculinity.^[108]

'Masculinity in crisis'[edit]

A theory of 'masculinity in crisis' has emerged;^[109][110] Australian archeologist Peter McAllister said, 'I have a strong feeling that masculinity is in crisis. Men are really searching for a role in modern society; the things we used to do aren't in much demand anymore'.^[111] Others see the changing labor market as a source of stress. Deindustrialization and the replacement of smokestack industries by technology have allowed more women to enter the labor force, reducing its emphasis on physical strength.^{[112]:86–89}

The crisis has also been attributed to the questioning of male dominance and rights granted to men solely on the basis of sex following the feminist movement.^{[112]:83–86} British sociologist John MacInnes wrote that 'masculinity has always been in one crisis or another', suggesting that the crises arise from the 'fundamental incompatibility between the core principle of modernity that all human beings are essentially equal (regardless of their sex) and the core tenet of patriarchy that men are naturally superior to women and thus destined to rule over them'.^[113]

According to John Beynon, masculinity and men are often conflated and it is unclear whether masculinity, men or both are in crisis. He writes that the 'crisis' is not a recent phenomenon, illustrating several periods of masculine crisis throughout history (some predating the women's movement and post-industrial society), suggesting that due to masculinity's fluid nature 'crisis is constitutive of masculinity itself'.^[112] Film scholar Leon Hunt also writes: 'Whenever masculinity's 'crisis' actually started, it certainly seems to have been in place by the 1970s'.^[114]

East Asian cultures[edit]

In 2008, the word 'herbivore men' became popular in Japan and was reported worldwide. Herbivore men refers to young Japanese men who naturally detach themselves from masculinity. Masahiro Morioka characterizes them as men 1) having gentle nature, 2) not bound by manliness, 3) not aggressive when it comes to romance, 4) viewing women as equals, and 5) hating emotional pain. Herbivore men are severely criticized by men who love masculinity.^[115]

In Chinese and Taiwanese popular culture, phrases such as ' (literally: 'big man'), ' (literally: 'damned hetero male'), and '直男癌' (literally: 'straight male cancer') are used as pejoratives referring to men exhibiting misogyny, dominance, and homophobia.^[116]

See also[edit]

Notes[edit]

1. ^See innate bisexuality and anima and animus for more information.

References[edit]

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Further reading[edit]

Contemporary[edit]

• Arrindell, Willem A. (1 October 2005). 'Masculine gender role stress'. Psychiatric Times. XXII (11): 31.
• Arrindell, Willem A.; et al. (September–December 2003). 'Masculine gender role stress: a potential predictor of phobic and obsessive-compulsive behaviour'. Journal of Behavior Therapy and Experimental Psychiatry. 34 (3–4): 251–267. doi:10.1016/j.jbtep.2003.10.002. PMID14972672.
• Ashe, Fidelma (2006). The New Politics of Masculinity: Men, Power and Resistance. London New York: Routledge. ISBN9781281062505.
• Biddulph, Steve (2010). The new manhood: The handbook for a new kind of man. Warriewood, N.S.W: Finch Pub. ISBN978-1876451882.
• Broom, Alex; Tovey, Philip, eds. (2009). Men's health: body, identity, and social context. Chichester, West Sussex, U.K. Hoboken, New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN9780470516560.
• Buchbinder, David (2014). 'Deciphering men: reading the masculine in Modern Family'. Qualitative Research Journal. 14 (1): 16–27. doi:10.1108/QRJ-03-2014-0003.
• Burstin, Fay (October 15, 2005). 'What's killing men'. Herald Sun. Melbourne.
• Coffey-Glover, Laura (2015). 'Ideologies of masculinity in women's magazines: a critical stylistic approach'(PDF). Gender and Language. 9 (3): 337–364. doi:10.1558/genl.v9i3.17360.
• Corneau, Guy (1991). Absent fathers, lost sons: the search for masculine identity. Boston New York: Shambhala. ISBN9780877736035.
• Courtenay, Will H. (May 2000). 'Constructions of masculinity and their influence on men's well-being: a theory of gender and health'(PDF). Social Science & Medicine. 50 (10): 1385–1401. CiteSeerX10.1.1.462.4452. doi:10.1016/S0277-9536(99)00390-1. PMID10741575.
• Durham, Meenakshi G.; Oates, Thomas P. (2004). 'The mismeasure of masculinity: the male body, 'race' and power in the enumerative discourses of the NFL Draft'. Patterns of Prejudice. 38 (3): 301–320. doi:10.1080/0031322042000250475.
• Eldredge, John (2001). Wild at heart: discovering the secret of a man's soul. Nashville, Tennessee: T. Nelson. ISBN9780785218951.
• Evans, Joan; et al. (March 2011). 'Health, Illness, Men and Masculinities (HIMM): a theoretical framework for understanding men and their health'(PDF). Journal of Men's Health. 8 (1): 7–15. doi:10.1016/j.jomh.2010.09.227.
• Galdas, Paul M.; Cheater, Francine M. (2010). 'Indian and Pakistani men's accounts of seeking medical help for cardiac chest pain in the United Kingdom: constructions of marginalised masculinity or another version of hegemonic masculinity?'. Qualitative Research in Psychology. 7 (2): 122–139. doi:10.1080/14780880802571168.
• Halberstam, Jack (1998). Female masculinity. Durham: Duke University Press. ISBN9780822322436.
• Hamber, Brandon (December 2007). 'Masculinity and transitional justice: an exploratory essay'. International Journal of Transitional Justice. 1 (3): 375–390. doi:10.1093/ijtj/ijm037.
• hooks, bell (2004). We real cool: Black men and masculinity. New York: Routledge. ISBN9780415969277.
• Juergensmeyer, Mark (2003). 'Why Guys Throw Bombs'(PDF). Terror in the Mind of God: The Global Rise of Religious Violence(PDF) (౩rd ed.). Berkeley: University of California Press. pp. 198–. ISBN978-0-52-024011-7. Archived from the original(PDF) on 2006-11-03.
• Kang, John M. (2013). 'Does manly courage exist?'. Nevada Law Journal,. 13 (2): 10.
• Kimmel, Michael; Messner, Michael, eds. (2001). Men's lives (5th ed.). Boston: Allyn and Bacon. ISBN9780205321056.
• Lawson, Robert (2013). 'The construction of 'tough' masculinity: Negotiation, alignment and rejection'. Gender and Language. 7 (3): 369–395. doi:10.1558/genl.v7i3.369.
• Levant, Ronald F.; Pollack, William S., eds. (1995). A new psychology of men. New York: Basic Books. ISBN9780465039166.
• Levant, Ronald F.; Wong, Y. Joel (2017). The Psychology of Men and Masculinities. Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association. ISBN978-1-43-382690-0.
• Levine, Martin (1998). Gay macho: the life and death of the homosexual clone. New York: New York University Press. ISBN9780814746943.
• Lupton, Ben (March 2006). 'Explaining men's entry into female-concentrated occupations: issues of masculinity and social class'. Gender, Work and Organization. 13 (2): 103–128. doi:10.1111/j.1468-0432.2006.00299.x.
• Mansfield, Harvey (2006). Manliness. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. ISBN9780300106640.
• Masculinity for Boys: Resource Guide for Peer Educators(PDF). New Delhi: UNESCO. 2006. IN/2006/ED/4.
• Robinson, L. (October 21, 2005). 'Not just boys being boys: Brutal hazings are a product of a culture of masculinity defined by violence, aggression and domination'. Ottawa Citizen. Ottawa, Ontario.
• Shapiro, Stephen A. (1984). Manhood: a new definition. New York: Putnam. ISBN9780399129926.
• Shuttleworth, Russell (2004), 'Disabled masculinity', in Smith, Bonnie G.; Hutchison, Beth (eds.), Gendering disability, New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, pp. 166–178, ISBN9780813533735
• Simpson, Mark (1994). Male impersonators: men performing masculinity. New York, NY: Routledge. ISBN9780415909914.
  • Also available as: Simpson, Mark (1993). Male impersonators: men performing masculinity. London: Cassell. ISBN9780304328086.
• Stephenson, June (1995). Men are not cost-effective: male crime in America. New York: HarperPerennial. ISBN9780060950989.
• Tozer, Malcolm (2015). The ideal of manliness: the legacy of Thring's Uppingham. Truro: Sunnyrest Books. ISBN9781329542730.
• Walsh, Fintan (2010). Male trouble: masculinity and the performance of crisis. Basingstoke, Hampshire England New York: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN9781349368242.
• Williamson, P. (29 November 1995). 'Their own worst enemy'. Nursing Times. 91 (48): 24–27. OCLC937998604.
• Wong, Y. Joel; et al. (2017). 'Meta-analyses of the relationship between conformity to masculine norms and mental health-related outcomes'(PDF). Journal of Counseling Psychology. 64 (1): 80–93. doi:10.1037/cou0000176. PMID27869454.
• World Health Organization (2000). What About Boys?: A Literature Review on the Health and Development of Adolescent Boys(PDF). Geneva, Switzerland. WHO/FCH/CAH/00.7.
• Wray, Herbert (26 September 2005). 'Survival skills'. U.S. News & World Report. Vol. 139 no. 11. p. 63.

Historical[edit]

• Buchbinder, David (2013). 'Color and movement: the male dancer, masculinity and race in film'. In Jackson II, Ronald L.; Moshin, Jamie E. (eds.). Communicating marginalized masculinities: identity politics in TV, film, and new media. Routledge Studies in Rhetoric and Communication. New York: Routledge. pp. 65–79. ISBN9780415623070.
• Jenkins, Earnestine; Clark Hine, Darlene (1999). A question of manhood: a reader in U.S. Black men's history and masculinity. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. ISBN9780253213433.
• Kimmel, Michael (2012) [1996]. Manhood in America: A Cultural History (3rd ed.). New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN9780199781553.
• Laurie, Ross (1999), 'Masculinity', in Boyd, Kelly (ed.), Encyclopedia of Historians and Historical Writing vol 2, Taylor & Francis, pp. 778–80, ISBN9781884964336, Historiography.
• Pleck, Elizabeth Hafkin; Pleck, Joseph H. (1980). The American man. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall. ISBN9780130281425.
• Pozzo, Barbara (2013). 'Masculinity Italian style'. Nevada Law Journal,. 13 (2): 15.
• Taylor, Gary (2002). Castration: an abbreviated history of western manhood. New York: Routledge. ISBN9780415938815.
• Theweleit, Klaus (1987). Male fantasies. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. ISBN9780816614516.
• Stearns, Peter N. (1990). Be a man!: males in modern society. New York: Holmes & Meier. ISBN9780841912816.

External links[edit]

Ethical Issues And Arguments

Bibliographic

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• The Men's Bibliography, a comprehensive bibliography of writing on men, masculinities, gender and sexualities, listing over 16,700 works. (mainly from a constructionist perspective)
• Boyhood Studies, features a 2200+ bibliography of young masculinities.

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Other

• The ManKind Project of Chicago, supporting men in leading meaningful lives of integrity, accountability, responsibility, and emotional intelligence
• NIMH web pages on men and depression, talks about men and their depression and how to get help.
• HeadsUpGuys, health strategies for managing and preventing depression in men.
• Article entitled 'Wounded Masculinity: Parsifal and The Fisher King Wound' The symbolism of the story as it relates to the Wounded Masculinity of Men by Richard Sanderson M.Ed., B.A.
• BULL, print and online literary journal specializing in masculine fiction for a male audience.
• Authentic Masculinity, an online blog seeking to help men improve every aspect of their lives.
• Art of Manliness, an online web magazine/blog dedicated to 'reviving the lost art of manliness'.
• The Masculinity Conspiracy, an online book critiquing constructions of masculinity.
• Men in America, series by National Public Radio

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